THE TEMASEK REVIEW

By Fang Zhi Yuan, Chief Editor

2008 proved to be a watershed in the history of Singapore politics: Outdoor protests were legalized for the first time since independence, albeit in a small corner in the city besides a police station. Over 70 protests were held at Hong Lim Park so far, the most notable being the minibond rallies organized by ex-NTUC INCOME Chief Mr Tan Kin Lian for disgruntled investors of credit-linked notes, who still holds the record for the most number of protests held by a single person (ten, to be exact) and the largest turnout (over a thousand at one rally).

The dramatic escape of the nation’s number 1 terrorist suspect Mas Selamat from a supposed high-security detention center and the loss of millions of taxpayers’ monies by the Town Councils through the ill-advised purchase of structure-linked notes have triggered an unprecedented furore against the ruling party both in the fledging local blogosphere and the HDB heartlands alike.

With rising inflation, wage cuts coupled with the looming spectre of retrenchments, it appears that the PAP government is in for a tough ride in the year ahead.

Yet, in spite of undercurrents of discontent, frustration and anguish at some of its policies such as the lack of accountability and transparency at the bureaucratic level, the uncontrolled influx of cheap foreign labor which has long suppressed the wages of the lowest income level and the continued institution of draconian laws to stifle civil society, there have been no protests against the PAP so far.

Internet ramblings are still restricted only to the confines of cyberspace and did not translate into a public outpouring of disgust and disenchantment. Non-net users vent their frustrations at the government with one another at neighborhood kopitiams and parks, completely oblivious to what was being discussed by their younger brethen in online forums and blogs.

There lies the unique serf mentality of Singapore voters, most of whom have only experienced life under the rule of the PAP – no matter how peeved they are with the government, they will never dare to openly demonstrate against it.

The implicit social contract set between Singaporeans and the PAP at independence which permitted the establishment to curtail some civil rights of the people in exchange for social stability and economic progress is still upheld by young and old Singaporeans alike in this day and age.

Young undergraduates and working adults may frequent and partake in online discussions lampooning the PAP, but their preoccupation is with finding a job after graduation or holding on to their present jobs in the midst of economic uncertainty rather than human rights and freedom of speech. Taxi-drivers may curse the government to every passenger they fetch, but few will turn up at Hong Lim Park to protest against the PAP openly in public. They will rather spend time earning some extra cash.

Short of a remote castastrophe leading to massive layoffs and unemployment, it is impossible to foresee any form of challenge to the PAP coming from the grassroots level. In spite of the economic hardships, Singaporeans still have not reached the breaking point yet and the government, with its deep pockets and a mammoth civil service at its disposal will ensure this will never happen.

The year 2008 also saw the end of an era with the passing of opposition scion Mr Joshua Benjamin Jeyaretnam who remains the only elected MP who dares to speak up for the people in Parliament. With all due respect to Mr Low Thia Kiang and Mr Chiam See Tong, the only two elected opposition MPs today, they can hardly claim to serve the interests of Singaporeans who are clamoring for a greater check on the ruling party.

The PAP has cleverly manipulated the political landscape via the use of draconian laws and propaganda from the state media to prevent future JBJs from emerging and to ostracize them from mainstream society, keeping them forever on the fringes of electoral politics.

Dr Chee’s SDP, which shares similiar political ideologies as JBJ, continues to confound detractors by espousing an extra-parliamentary, non-violent activism to effect changes in the system. In recent months, SDP does appear to gain political mileage with a spate of high profile protests which has embarrassed the government greatly in the eyes of the international community together a increase in support from a select group of Singaporeans – namely civil activists and socio-political netizens.

SDP’s activism may have brought upon unprecedented external pressure on the ruling establishment, but it does little to win them crucial support from ordinary Singaporeans. By forsaking the parliamentary route completely and adopting a confrontational stance against the PAP, it has unwittingly fall into its enemy’s trap to remain forever in the political wilderness.

At the other extreme lies the other opposition parties, which have been slow to embrace the New Media and civil activism unlike the SDP. While Mr Low and Mr Chiam may have genuine support from the residents in their respective constituencies, they have yet to attain the stature of a national leader to challenge the PAP after more than a decade in politics.

With the exception of the SDP, there continues to exist an unbridgable gulf between the political parties and civil society. The two parties with seats in Parliament seem only contented to be Town Council managers in their constituencies with little or no involvement in national issues.

What Singaporeans really yearn for the a credible alternative center of power to emerge to challenge the PAP on the grounds of governance, policies and management of the economy. Till now, there appears to be no viable alternative to the PAP.

Singaporeans tend to play safe and vote for the status quote during difficult times as illustrated by the 2001 election in the aftermath of the 911 terrorist attack which saw the PAP returning to power with a whooping 75% majority. In other countries, a slowing in economy is a bane to the ruling party. Here in Singapore, it is the exact reverse.

A weak economy, coupled with a divided if not disoriented opposition and a timid, pragmatic and conservative electorate means that that we can expect few headways made in Singapore’s political status quo. An election, if held this year, is likely to give the PAP another overwhelming mandate.

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